Our present
health care system is suffering from runaway prices and spending. For the
past three decades, health care spending has been growing more than twice
as fast as the overall economy; as a percentage of gross national product,
it has risen from 6 percent in 1965 to 14 percent today Meanwhile, the
system is plagued not only by overspending, but also by underinclusion:
at any given time about 35 million Americans do not have health insurance.
That combination of ills appears to pose an intractable problem: any move
to extend health insurance in its current form to those without coverage
will only fuel demand for health care and push spending up even further.
Fortunately,
there is a solution to the predicament. The key is recognizing exactly
what is driving spending through the roof. While many conditions have contributed
to the spending explosion, one stands out as the fundamental problem with
the U.S. health care system today: the consumer, the patient, has been
cut out of the decision making loop. Of every health care dollar spent
in this country, 76 cents are paid by someone other than the actual patient—by
the government, insurers, or employers. Consequently, in most situations
patients neither benefit when they spend wisely nor bear the consequences
of spending foolishly With those incentives, it’s no surprise that costs
are soaring.
To reform
the system we need to change the incentives. We need policies that will
allow people to choose whether and how to spend their own money on health
care needs. That is the idea behind the free-market approach to health
care reform, which we call the Patient Power plan. The plan is explained
in detail in Patient Power: Solving America’s Health Care Crisis (Cato
Institute, 1992) by John C. Goodman, president of the National Center for
Policy Analysis, and Gerald L. Musgrave, president of Economics America,
Inc.
Under the
Patient Power plan, people would be able to switch from their current low-deductible
health insurance policies to high-deductible catastrophic policies and
put the premium savings in tax-free Medical Savings Accounts (MSAs). Those
accounts would be used to pay ordinary and routine medical expenses, and
catastrophic insurance would still be available to cover any major expenses.
Whatever money was left in MSAs at the end of the year would remain there
and continue to earn interest—you would get to keep what you didn’t spend.
The Patient Power plan would
give people a direct financial incentive to spend prudently on health care,
because they would be spending their own money. Furthermore, Patient Power
would extend the same tax advantages to all Americans, unlike the current
system that discriminates against the unemployed, the self-employed, and
employees of small businesses that don’t offer health insurance. Ensuring
tax fairness would go a long way toward making health care affordable for
people who are now without health insurance. The Patient Power plan is
explicitly voluntary: it is not designed to compel universal coverage under
some one-size-fits-all arrangement. The most basic element of a truly competitive
health care system is to allow people the freedom of opting out of it—true
patient power begins with that fundamental freedom of choice. Accordingly,
the Patient Power plan strives to expand options, not foreclose them—to
let people make up their own minds about what works best for them.
The Rise of Third-Party Payment
Before
1965 spending on health care was restrained by the fact that most payments
were made out-of-pocket by patients. Since then Medicare and
Medicaid have expanded government third-party insurance to more and
more services for the elderly and the poor, and private health insurance
has expanded for the working population. As Figure I
shows, 95 percent of the money Americans now spend on hospitals is someone
else's money at the time it is spent. Some 81 percent of all physicians'
payments are now made with other people's money, as are 76 percent of all
medical payments for all purposes.

Putting Patients Back in
Control
The health
care reform proposals favored by the Clinton administration do nothing
to address the third-party payment problem that is the root of the health
care crisis. In fact, the administration's plan for "managed competition"
would worsen the problem by creating a new third-party payment system that
would be universal in coverage. To try to keep costs down, man- aged competition
would impose onerous new bureaucratic controls and limitations on patients'
choices.
Not only
would managed competition fail to control costs, it would also pose a serious
threat to the continued quality of American medical care.
Managed
competition means greater bureaucratic rationing of health care- whether
openly through price controls and expenditure limits (so-called global
budgets) or less obviously through increased third-party control over what
services are paid for. But whatever form it takes, bureaucratic rationing
means lower quality care. Just look at what has happened in countries where
government controls the health care purse strings. In Britain kidney dialysis
is generally denied to patients older than 55, causing at least 1,500 people
to die every year for lack of dialysis. In Sweden the wait for heart x-rays
is more than 11 months. And surgeons in Canada report that, for patients
in need of heart surgery, the danger of dying on the waiting list now exceeds
the danger of dying on the operating
table.
The Patient
Power plan rejects the bureaucratic approach of managed competition. Combatting
artificially stimulated demand with top-down bureaucratic interference
is a multiplication of mistakes. The result is higher costs and lower quality
care. What we need instead is a system that controls demand at the source:
the individual patient. The way to get individual patients to control demand
is to give them a financial incentive to do so.
Supplying
that financial incentive is what the Patient Power proposal for Medical
Savings Accounts is all about. Under the Patient Power plan, people would
be able to deposit up to a certain amount of money every year in tax- free
MSAS. Most people would fund their accounts by switching from their current
low-deductible health insurance policies to high-deductible catastrophic
policies and depositing the premium savings. They would then be able to
draw down their account balances to pay ordinary, routine medical expenses,
such as doctor's office visits, prescription drugs, diagnostic tests, and
minor procedures. Catastrophic insurance would still cover the big ticket
items.
Whatever
money you didn't spend during the year would remain in your MSA to build
up tax-free interest over time. Most people would be able to accumulate
substantial savings over their working lives, which they could use upon
retirement for whatever medical or nonmedical purpose they chose.

How Medical Savings Accounts
Would Work
Figure 2 gives an indication of how Patient Power would operate
in practice. In a city that has an average cost of living-say Cincinnati
or Denver---employers pay roughly $4,500 a year to provide an employee
and his family with health insurance coverage. The policy has a low deductible,
typically from $100 to $250. By contrast, the premium for a catastrophic
policy with a $3,000 deductible is only about $1,500 a year. Under the
Patient Power plan, an employer could provide a catastrophic policy and
then put the $3,000 in premium savings in the employee's MSA. The employer
is out $4,500 either way; it makes no difference to him how the money is
split up. But for the employee, the advantages of the switch are enormous:
he actually gets more money in cash (tax-free, interest-bearing cash) than
he loses in reduced insurance coverage-even during the first year. Over
time unused savings continue to build up with tax-free compound interest.
The vast
majority of Americans would greatly benefit from the combination of less
expensive high-deductible policies and Medical Savings Accounts. In any
given year most Americans have no or very small medical expenses, and 94
percent have medical expenses under $3,000. Under such a system, your maximum
personal exposure every year is capped by your catastrophic policy; meanwhile,
your savings to meet that possible exposure keep accumulating every year
with interest. In other words, the deck is stacked in favor of your coming
out ahead.
Medical Savings Accounts would
be of particular help to employees and their families when money was tight.
Even today's low deductibles, particularly when combined with copayments,
can create true hardship for those struggling to make ends meet. With an
MSA, money would be available to pay the first dollar of medical costs-no
deductibles, no copayments.
In addition, people who were
between jobs could use their MSAs to buy insurance coverage. About half
the people who are uninsured remain that
way for four months or less;
typically, they are between jobs that provide them with health insurance
benefits. The accumulated savings in Medical Savings Accounts would be
available to tide people over during such times.
Establishing Tax Fairness
If Medical
Savings Accounts are as great as they sound, why haven't employers made
them available already? Why don't employers offer high- deductible policies
and cash bonuses as an alternative to conventional low- deductible insurance?
The reason
such arrangements are currently unattractive is that under existing tax
laws, only the employer's spending on health care is fully tax- deductible.
Today, all the money an employer spends on health insurance for employees
is tax-deductible; furthermore, none of it is included in the employee's
taxable income. By contrast, self-employed people can deduct, at best,
only 25 percent of their health
insurance expenses-and even that limited deduction is not a permanent part
of the law; it is on-again, off-again from year to year depending on whether
Congress reauthorizes it. And the unemployed and employees of small businesses
that don't offer health insurance get no deduction at all when they try
to purchase insurance on their own.
Thus, under current law, employers
spend pre-tax dollars on health care; everyone else is forced to spend
(for the most part) post-tax dollars. The tax bias in favor of employer-provided
health insurance is considerable. As Table I indicates,
a dollar of pre-tax health insurance benefits can be worth almost two dollars
of taxable salary. Accordingly, once filtered through the various tax
collectors, the premium savings
from switching to a high-deductible policy would shrink as much as 50 percent
if they were given as cash to employees. And if employees tried to establish
their own make-do Medical Savings Accounts with that post-tax money, they
would also have to pay taxes on the interest they earned. It is little
wonder that employers and employees opt for the tax-favored benefit over
the tax-discouraged one.
It should
be noted that under the current system, some people covered by employer
provided insurance are able to earmark money to go into so-called flexible
savings accounts, from which they can pay health expenses with pre- tax
dollars. The problem with flexible spending accounts is that at the end
of the year, any unspent money reverts to the employer That "use it or
lose it" approach obviously encourages wasteful spending-the opposite of
what Medical Savings Accounts would do.
The bias
in the tax system not only discourages self- insurance through medical
savings, it also renders conventional health insurance unaffordable for
many Americans. The self-employed, the unemployed, and employees of many
small businesses must pay post-tax dollars for their health insurance,
and not surprisingly they rarely do. About 90 percent of Americans who
have private health insurance get it through their employers. Those not
lucky enough to qualify for tax advantages through their employers must
fend for themselves, and their numbers swell the ranks of the 35 million
uninsured.
The present
indefensible system came about, strangely enough, because of wage and price
controls during World War H. Businesses tried to get around wage freezes
by offering health insurance benefits to their employees. The Internal
Revenue Service went along, granting them a tax deduction and excluding
the fringe benefit from employees' income. The law of unintended consequences
frequently haunts governmental intervention, and here is a textbook case.
Thanks to wartime emergency measures taken 50 years ago, we now have a
health insurance system in double crisis, plagued by both explosive overspending
and underinclusiveness caused by discriminatory tax rules.
Cost Savings through Patient Power
The Patient
Power plan of Medical Savings Accounts and tax fairness would revolutionize
the incentives operating in the health care sector. Roughly two-thirds
of all health-insurance-claim dollars in this country fall in the under-$3,000-per-year
category. Under the Patient Power plan, people would be spending their
own money in this dominant sector of the health care market.
Because they could keep what
they did not spend, people would have an incentive to spend wisely for
health care. A RAND Corporation study found that people enjoying free health
care spend about 50 percent more than those who pay 95 percent of their
bills out-of-pocket (up to a $1,000 maximum). Furthermore, people with
free care are 25 percent more likely to see a doctor and 33 percent more
likely to enter a hospital. All that extra spending of other people's money,
though, doesn't necessarily buy better results: the RAND study found no
apparent differences in most health outcomes for the two groups.